Tag Archives: restoration London

London Hearth Tax Mapping: A ‘Charles Booth’ for the Seventeenth Century?

Soon after the Centre for Hearth Tax Research started working on the 1666 London hearth tax, I had an idea in the back of my mind to compare and contrast an analysis of wealth and poverty derived from the hearth tax with the work and findings of the nineteenth century social analyst Charles Booth. First things first, why did I think this was a good or plausible idea?

For those unfamiliar with the work of Charles Booth, between 1886 and 1903 he researched and published a seventeen-volume study of wealth and poverty in London entitled Life and Labour of the People of London. Booth’s study was pioneering in many ways but probably his most notable achievement (and the one that has endured longest in the minds of the public) were his ‘Maps Descriptive of London Poverty’ in which he brought together socio-economic analyses and geographical locations to produce maps of wealth and poverty. As you can see in this example, Booth maps his data down to street level and uses a series of colours to denote levels of wealth and poverty; broadly speaking, the pinks and reds indicate prosperity and the blues and blacks identify poverty and (for Booth) criminality.

Booth Map

An example Booth Map from 1891

It has, for many years, struck me that the maps produced by Booth, and the rationale behind them, are not that different to those produced by the Centre (see below an example map from Essex).

Essex Hearth Tax Map

Essex Hearth Tax Map of Wealth and Poverty

When we first began analysing the 1666 London hearth tax it was exciting to realise the extent to which the administrators and collectors of the tax had recorded the names of streets, alleys and courts in great detail, as you can see in this example from book 3 (see below). This led me to suppose that mapping the hearth tax data down to street level might be possible, thus finally facilitating a comparison with Booth. However, it quickly became apparent that this would be problematic for a number of reasons. The most fundamental problem with comparing the hearth tax with Booth is that the hearth tax documents which contain the most detailed street-level information are predominantly those recording City of London parishes, whereas Booth excluded the City of London from his study because, by his time, he believed that far fewer people resided there.

Book 3 of the London Hearth Tax with locations highlighted

Book 3 of the 1666 London hearth tax with locations highlighted

The second problem with mapping the hearth tax to street level, is that the closest suitable street-level maps for London in sufficient detail to equate with the 1666 hearth tax are the ward and parish maps published in John Strype’s 1720 updated version of John Stow’s Survey of London. So, although very detailed for the time, the Strype maps document a post-fire London while much of the hearth tax data is pre-fire. It quickly became disappointingly clear that any systematic, large scale street-level comparison of the 1666 hearth tax with the data and maps of Charles Booth was not going to be feasible. But what about opportunities for smaller and more focussed comparative case studies?

Maps of London produced for John Strype's 1720 Survey of London

Maps of London produced for John Strype’s 1720 Survey of London

A quick analysis of the London and Middlesex hearth tax database revealed that, outside of the City parishes, one area for which a good amount of street-level information was recorded in the 1666 hearth tax records was the hamlet of Ratcliff in the parish of St Dunstan Stepney. This area also initially offered exciting potential for mapping the hearth tax data to street level. Not only had it been documented in good detail on Strype’s 1720 map, but the map itself even provided a very useful table of streets, courts and alleys in the district. However, more disappointment was to follow. Comparing the locations listed in the 1666 hearth tax records for St Dunstan Stepney with those recorded on Strype’s map revealed a far from perfect match and there was not enough similarity between the map and the records to equate them to street level.

Ratcliffe hamlet on the 1720 map complete with table listing streets, courts and alleys

Ratcliff hamlet on the 1720 map complete with a table listing streets, courts and alleys

On the plus side, though, there was just enough apparent connection between the two sources to more broadly equate portions of the households listed on the manuscript with the wider areas demarcated by letters on the table given on the map. Although not ideal and by no means a street by street demarcation, this was, at least, something to work with and so I located and outlined those alphabetical zones onto Strype’s 1720 map.

Alphabetical zones based on the areas demarcated on Strype's map

Alphabetical zones based on the areas demarcated on Strype’s map

Alphabetical zones based on the areas demarcated on Strype's map

Alphabetical zones based on the areas demarcated on Strype’s map

I then analysed and tabulated the hearth tax data for each zone and mapped it into the corresponding area on a series of maps maintaining the percentage bands used by the Centre for Hearth Tax Research for the maps produced for our Hearth Tax Project series of volumes. So, having gone to all this trouble to map the data from the 1666 hearth tax records into something as close as possible to street level, what could be learned from the results?

The first thing to say is that Ratcliff Hamlet appears to be a relatively prosperous place, and significantly wealthier than the mean average map for St Dunstan Stepney would suggest. 61% of the households recorded in the hamlet had three or more hearths and in some zones it was as high as 75%.

Households in the Ratcliff hamlet with three or more hearths

Households in the Ratcliff hamlet with three or more hearths

The level of prosperity is also indicated by the relatively low percentage of households which did not pay the tax; just 34% across the hamlet but as low as 18% is some zones. This is in marked contrast to parishes such as Hammersmith, Whitton, Teddington, Hampton and Shepperton which occupied similar riverside positions in the west of London. It might be expected that those parishes in the west would be wealthier than those in the east, but those mentioned all had far higher percentages of unpaid households that Ratcliff.

Percentage of non-paying households in Ratcliff hamlet

Percentage of non-paying households in Ratcliff hamlet

If we look at the zoning of the prosperity and poverty in the hamlet, we can see something of an east/west division, with the larger houses and merchant classes occupying an area which follows White Horse Street down through Butchers Row and past Ratcliff Cross to the river. To the west of this, there appear to be a higher concentration of smaller properties and higher percentages of non-payment.

East / west division in the zoning of prosperity and poverty in Ratcliff hamlet

East / west division in the zoning of prosperity and poverty in Ratcliff hamlet

Now, turning our attention to Charles Booth’s survey of the area, undertaken around 1886/7, we find a very interesting point of comparison. When seeking to classify the people he was surveying, Booth created eight classes ranging from A for the ‘very poor’ up to H for the ‘well to do’. Essentially, classes A, B, C and D were the very poor and the poor, while classes E, F, G, and H were the comfortable and the well to do. Booth estimated that in Stepney in 1886/7, 38.1% of households fell into the category of poor and 61.9% of households were comfortable or well off.

Charles Booth's figures for wealth and poverty in Stepney

Charles Booth’s figures for wealth and poverty in Stepney

It can be argued that this division between the poor and the better off is roughly equivalent, in hearth tax terms, to the division between households with less than three hearths and households with three hearths and more. Comparing this with Booth reveals a startling similarity. For Ratcliff in 1666, the figure for households with less than three hearths was 39% and 61% for households with three or more hearths; remarkably close to Booth’s figures for the same area over 200 years later. This would appear to suggest that, overall, the socio-economic make-up of the Ratcliff / Stepney area had not altered that much in the intervening period.

Charles Booth's figures for wealth and poverty in Stepney compared with hearth tax figures for Ratcliff in 1666

Charles Booth’s figures for wealth and poverty in Stepney compared with hearth tax figures for Ratcliff in 1666

Another interesting comparison can be made if we look at Booth’s map for the area and consider it in relation to the alphabetical zones created for applying the hearth tax data. In 1666, the pattern of prosperity and poverty appeared to be an east/west divide centered along the main north/south route through the hamlet. However, in the late nineteenth century, it appears to have been more of a north/south split between prosperity and poverty. The main arterial east/west routes through the area, the Commercial Road and the London and Blackwall railway, seem to have been acting as a dividing line, separating the well to do to living to the north from the poorer households to the south and along the dockside.

Comparison of zoning; east/west divide in 1666, north/south divide in 1890s

Comparison of zoning; east/west divide in 1666, north/south divide in 1890s

So, attempting to map the 1666 hearth tax down to street level in any sort of systematic fashion presents many problems in itself, although it might be much more fruitfully pursued in some of City parishes were streets are more systematically recorded in detail. These parishes cannot, though, be compared with Charles Booth’s data and maps, so it would appear that large-scale street-level comparisons between Booth’s work and hearth tax data are, frustratingly, something of a non-starter.

However, with some creativity and persistence, smaller and more focused studies can be undertaken and even the very rudimentary attempt outlined here has revealed interesting insights about enduring longer-term levels and patterns of prosperity and poverty in particular areas of metropolitan London. Who knows what else might be discovered with more time and resources!

Dr John Price is the Research Officer and Project Manager for the Centre for Hearth Tax Research at the University of Roehampton. He is also Senior Lecturer in Modern British History at Goldsmiths, University of London.

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Remembering John Ffloyd, Citizen of London and Comb Maker

“This Bible was my Great Grandfather’s, John Ffloyd, citizen of London, and comb maker by Trade, who lived in one of his houses on the North Side of Ludgate Hill in the parish of St Brides and having given his son (Enoch) and daughter (Elizabeth) a fortune and being in good circumstances he left off the Trade and Retired to Wandsworth in the County of Surrey where he dyed. And it is my Desire when it shall please God to take me out of this World that this Bible may be the property of my son Ffloyd, and I request him to preserve, and at his death to give it to his son if he has one, with an injuction for him to keep it and dispose of it at his Death if he has a son, in the same manner, and so on to go from father to son. In witness whereof I have this the fifth day of December 1754 Subscribed by name of it. George Peck.”

This transcription was written into a Peck family Bible, which became an heirloom, passing down the generations of a branch of the Peck family (of Samford, Essex, and Wood Dalling and Methwold, Norfolk). John Ffloyd (d. 1701) married Alice and they had two children, Elizabeth (b. 1652 m 1674 Josiah Peck) and Enoch (b 1657). With the help of the 1666 Lady Day hearth tax return a bit more can be said about his circumstances of this family on the eve of the Great Fire. The 1666 return has four references to a head of household named John Ffloyd in properties with three or four hearths. Three of these properties can be discounted as the family home of John Ffloyd since none were located in the Ludgate Hill part of St Bride’s parish, but a fourth entry to John Ffloyd living in a three-hearth property in Fleet Street probably refers to the home of George Peck’s great-grandfather.

The National Archives (TNA) E179/252/32, book 8, f.31

The National Archives (TNA) E179/252/32, book 8, f.31

Not only was the home located within the correct area of St Bride’s parish, but the hearth tax was paid in contrast to the other references to the homes of John Ffloyd from which the tax was not collected. Ffloyd’s neighbours in Fleet Street included Andrew Newman who had recently moved into a four-hearth property and the widow of George Wright. Here was a group of neighbours who by paying the hearth tax demonstrated their sense of probity (and perhaps also their support for the later Stuart monarchy) in contrast to their wealthy neighbour, the squire Robert Hix, who refused to pay the charge due on a 13-hearth property. Further research might be able to identify whether any of the unpaid properties listed under the name of John Ffloyd were his rental properties which were either temporarily abandoned or had valuable possessions removed by tenants before being searched by the collectors, who were fobbed off with the name of the landlord in the event of a move to collect arrears.   Be that as it may, it is clear that the home in which John Ffloyd lived with his wife and two children on Fleet Street was comfortable if not a wealthy home, and that the “chimney men” had no difficulty in collecting the 3 shillings due at Lady Day from this home to fill the private purse of King Charles II.

Although John Ffloyd in later life moved away to the more congenial area of Wansworth and was buried at Stanmore in Middlesex the family retained a strong connection with Fleet Street and the City of London. George Peck in 1718 had been bound as an apprentice to John Steger, Linen Draper in the Poultry, who worked from the King’s Arms on Fleet Street, and on the same day as George II was proclaimed king, he married Mary Clay, daughter of Richard Clay, Citizen and Draper of London and by trade an Oylman.

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Innovative 3D reproduction of 17th Century London

Congratulations to Pudding Lane Productions who have won the 2013 Off The Map competition for their 3D reproduction of 17th Century London, designed using references taken from the historic maps in the British Library.

The ‘flythrough’ centres around the Pudding Lane area of restoration London, although it is not always entirely clear which street is which. It would be really interesting to relate this mapping to the London hearth tax. For example, here is the entry for Pudding Lane on the eve of the Great Fire, listing the very oven that started the blaze:

  Pudding Lane The East   side  
x Richard Peele hooke & eye mkr’ 4
x Mary Collier cooper 7
  Fish Yard   
Hugh Amies porter 3
Leake p’ish clearke 2
Henry More waterbearer 1
Thomas Birt sexton 1
Widd Thomas 1
Empty. 5. 5
Empty. 4. 4
  40 76
x Mary Whittacre widd 2
George Porter plasterer 3
Widd Gander 1
Benjamin Burstow 1
Thomas Knight glasier 4
Alice Spencer 4
Empty 3
x John Bibie turner 3
x Thomas Farrinor baker 5
[&]1 oven 1
William Ludford plasterer 3
[&] 1 stop up 1
[blank] Jones 2
x Susanna Noest 3
Empty 3

The records of the 1666 hearth tax for London are very detailed and it might well be possible to tie together the document and the maps with this digital presentation; that would be very exciting!

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