The Parish of St Katherine Coleman in 1666

This blog in our series from the work of University of the Third Age members participating in the Shared Learning Project with the British Academy Hearth Tax Project, Centre for Hearth Tax Research, is derived from the work of Pauline Brown and Maryke Koomans. Using the hearth tax returns from the City of London and Middlesex as a starting point, Pauline and Maryke present a view of the City parish of St Katherine Coleman in 1666. 

The parish of St Katherine Coleman lies within Aldgate Ward on the eastern perimeter of the city of London, between the Tower of London to the southeast, Leadenhall market to the west, and the eastern city wall at Aldgate to the east. The first known records of the Church go back to 1346 and a south aisle was built in 1489.

55[1]

St Katherine Coleman Parish – shown as no.55 on the map above http://www.genuki.org.uk/big/eng/LND/StKatherineColeman

St Katherine Coleman Church

The church was dedicated to the virgin and martyr, St Katherine of Alexandria and according to John Stow’s survey of London of 1598 was built on ‘a great haw-yard, or garden, of old time called Coleman Haw’. It survived the Great Fire of London but was demolished and rebuilt in 1734 and remained in service until November 1926 when it finally closed its doors. The church was demolished and the site is now a public garden.

Streets of St Katherine Coleman

When the Hearth Tax was taken after Lady Day in 1666 the parish included eleven streets or part streets with around two hundred dwellings.  The population could have been up to one thousand people although, as with much of the City, the Great Plague of the summer of 1665 greatly affected the parishioners; the parish records show an alarming increase in the number of burials, in fact whole families were decimated.  The following year and six months after the Hearth Tax was recorded, the church and much of the surrounding area fortunately escaped Fire of London.  This is clearly depicted (79) in John Leake’ s ‘Exact Surveigh of the City after the Great Fire’, engraved by W. Hollar in 1667.

Character of the Parish

The boundaries of the parish are not easily understood as they can run through the middle of streets and include parts of longer streets that run through several parishes so whether St Katherine had a specific character is difficult to ascertain, but a description from year 1720 can be found in Strype.

Fenchurch Street is long, reaching from the Pump within Aldgate to Gracechurch Street; and for the generality is well inhabited, and amongst the Inhabitants divers are Merchants: But of this Street, there is in this Ward no more but from Billiter Lane unto Aldgate Street on the North Side, and a little beyond Mark Lane to Aldgate Street on the South Side; the rest being in Langborn Ward. Places of Name in this Part of the Street are, St. Katharine Coleman Church, seated on the South Side betwixt Mark Lane and Northumberland House, now converted into Buildings, and called Northumberland Alley. Adjoining to this Church Westward, is Magpye Alley, which hath a narrow Passage into French Ordinary Court, and so into Cructched Fryers. Sugar Loaf Alley hath a Passage with a Free Stone Pavement into Leadenhall Street. Northumberland Alley, very long, which with several turning Passages falls into Crutched Fryers; and for the generality is but an ordinary Place, as well for Buildings as Inhabitants, yet not without some few that are good. Nearer Aldgate is the Sarazens Head Inn, which is very large, and of a considerable Trade.

Analysis of the hearth tax records show that:

  • The parish contained approximately 200 dwellings
  • Average number of hearths in SKC is 4.1, although possibly not all dwellings with 0 or 1 hearth were recorded.
  • Sizeable houses of 6+ hearths can be found on each street
  • 16 out of 200 (8%) houses were empty
Street No of dwellings Total no of Hearth Average Hearths per street Greatest no of Hearths Lowest no of Hearths
Magesty Allie 16 100 6.3 12 3
Sugar Loffe Allie 5 30 6 12 3
Fanchurch Strett west 14 80 5.7 16 1
Fanchurch Strett north 18 98 5.4 11 1
Biliter Lane Este 9 45 5 7 3
Fanch Street South side 9 43 4.8 7 1
Crutchett Friers North 32 133 4.2 8 2
Aingell Allie 4 16 4 7 3
Poste masters yarde 26 90 3.5 7 1
Northumberland Allie Est 26 88 3.4 6 1
Harte & Hand Corte 41 102 2.5 9 1
Total SKC 200 825 4.1 16 1

Table 1: St Katherine Coleman – Overview of dwellings per street.

Other than dwellings, the parish contained

  • Church of St Katherine Coleman
  • One public house – possibly the Saracens Head as indicated in Strype
  • Ironmongers Hall

Close by, though not in the parish itself, were notable buildings with links to the parish

  • Clothworkers Hall – made donations to Parish church
  • Custom House on Lower Thames Street– collection of excise for merchants and shipping
  • Navy Office in Seething Lane west of Tower Hill.
  • East India House in Leadenhall street

Population of St Katherine Coleman

As well as recording the name of the householder and the number of hearths, the hearth tax records for the parish also include the occupation for approximately 66% of the householders which provides a snapshot of the people who lived and worked here.

A total of 61 different occupations have been found in the parish, with the most frequent occupation being merchant (16%), and the second winecooper (12%), a merchant in wines. Other occupations included victular (9%), Tailor (8%), Porter (6%) and a small number of carpenters, clothworkers, pewterers, shoemakers and 3% noted as gentleman. The customs house accounted for 60% of noted occupations.

In terms of the wealthiest occupations, i.e. those with the highest number of hearths, the Merchants had on average 8 hearths in their homes and winecoopers 4.2 hearths.

Notable Residents

Merchant was not only the most frequently found occupation, the merchants were also the wealthiest.

Wealthiest

The wealthiest inhabitants according to the size of their property were largely the merchants.

Jacob Lacie Merchant 16
William Bonde Haberdasher 12
Mary Delabar Merchant 12
Thomas Papillion Merchant 11
Thomas Bewley Draper 10
  Rawson Landlord 9
George Clifford Merchant 9
Randolph Isaacson Merchant 9
Charles Hillard Merchant 9

 

The most notable person in St Katherine Coleman in 1666 was Thomas Papillion, a merchant, politician, member of the Mercers, an influential figure in the City of London.

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Launch Event for Hearth Tax Digital

Hearth Tax Digital was officially launched at an event held at the British Academy on Tuesday 2 July.  The event was an opportunity to celebrate the new site, which came online in January, and share the story of its development, vision and potential going forward.

In regards to the official launch, Project Director Dr Andrew Wareham said, “We are delighted to share this resource with family and local historians as well as the academic community and we hope to see it grow over the coming years.”

The event was attended by those involved with the publication of county volumes, members of the U3A, the genealogy community, committee members for the British Academy Hearth Tax Project, colleagues from Roehampton University and our Hearth Tax Digital partners from the University of Graz in Austria – Georg Vogeler, Theresa Dellinger and Jakob Sonnberger.

Launch AW pres

Dr. Andrew Wareham talks to the development of Hearth Tax Digital 

Trevor Dean from Roehampton University and Chair of the Committee for the British Academy Hearth Tax Project welcomed event attendees, whilst Sarah Williams from Who Do You Think You Are? introduced the new website. We are grateful for the enthusiastic view she extended toward the potential Hearth Tax Digital holds for the academic and genealogy communities alike.

Georg Vogeler then outlined the technological development of the site and its functionality and future vision. Andrew Wareham concluded the presentations with a more general discussion of the project’s genesis and realisation. The presentations were followed by a drinks reception which was enjoyed in the beautiful environs of the British Academy.

Launch Georg and Rob

From left – Georg Vogeler (University of Graz) and Rob Wheeler ( Lincolnshire Record Society)

Launch Pete Brodie

From left – Pete Seaman (Member of British Academy Hearth Tax Project), Brodie Waddell (Birkbeck and member of the BAHTP), Aaron Columbus (Project Research Officer and Birkbeck)

Launch Trevor etc

From left – Trevor Dean (Chair of the British Academy Hearth Tax Project), Paul Hodges (former Roehampton University) and Charlotte Beher (Department of Humanities, Roehampton University)

Laucnh Andrew and Ken

From left – Ken Emond (British Academy) and Dr. Andrew Wareham (Roehampton and Project Director)

Launch Jax

From left – Helena Hammond (Department of Dance, Roehampton) and Jacqui Wales (family historian)

Launch 1

From left – Dr. Brodie Waddell (Birkbeck and member of the BAHTP), Aaron Columbus (Project Research Officer and Birkbeck), Professor Vanessa Harding (Birkbeck and member of the BAHTP)

Hearth Tax Digital was developed by the University of Roehampton’s Centre for Hearth Tax Research in partnership with the University of Graz’s Centre for Information Modeling.  The Roehampton-Graz website has been designed by Professor Georg Vogeler and Dr Andrew Wareham, and it has been built by Theresa Dellinger and Jakob Sonnberger, with financial support from the British Academy and the Department of Humanities at the University of Roehampton. Returns for the city of London, Middlesex and Yorkshire (East and West Riding) were made available with the site’s launch in January. The 1672 Lady Day return for County Durham was added to the site in late June. Other counties are in the pipeline.

Hearth Tax Digital has four key features that make it a powerful tool for researchers – a general search button which allows users at any time to do any textual search (by personal name, location or descriptor), a records page which allows readers to read the entries in the returns, together with the preliminary information, as they were written in the original returns and assessments, databasket which allows users to click on all the entries which they are interested in for further use, alongside an advanced search function which allows users to combine searches for people and places with numbers of hearths.

HT landiong page for blog

Visit our new website Hearth Tax Digital – https://gams.uni-graz.at/context:htx – and stay tuned for future developments.

 

 

 

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The story of Thomas Elwood, Tyler & Brickmaker, and underdog…

The fifth blog in our series from the work of University of the Third Age members participating in the Shared Learning Project with the British Academy Hearth Tax Project, Centre for Hearth Tax Research, is by Jane Harrington. Using the Hearth Tax returns from the City of London and Middlesex as a starting point, Jane presents the story of one Thomas Elwood.

In the 1666 Hearth Tax returns for both Lady Day and Michaelmas, Thomas Elwood, bricklayer, is recorded as living in Stones Court (St Botolph Aldersgate) with a modest 2 hearths. Stones Court was to the east of Aldersgate and near to the City boundary, more or less opposite Trinity Chapel. It was also home to alehousekeeper Mathew White, with a generous 8 hearths, some of whose tradesmen’s tokens still survived in 1849 (and may yet do so)[1]. Other fellow residents listed included Edward Cox, a milliner; Richard Cox, a shoemaker; and Thomas Terrill, a silversmith.

In 1632 Thomas was apprenticed by his father, Clement, to Edward Dee of the Tylers & Bricklayers Company[2].  At that time they were living in London (in the Minories, which is near to St Botolph Aldgate). By 1638 Thomas has moved into the parish of St Botolph Aldersgate, appearing in a list of London inhabitants in that year[3].

Thomas’s elder brother, also Clement (and later Executor of his will), had been apprenticed to another Master of the same Company, four years earlier[4], when the family were evidently still living in Rutland and Clement snr. was a farmer (husbandman).  It seems likely that Clement jnr. stayed in the Aldgate area as there are St Botolph Aldgate records which refer to ‘Clement Ellwood, bricklayer” of Houndsditch[5]. Bricklaying was clearly a family business. There are some other Ellwoods mentioned in connection with this Company.

This is all pretty unremarkable but at some point in the years following, Thomas got entangled in a complex and protracted legal case of ejectment, from which an impassioned printed legal defence document (1659) survives in the British Library[6]. In a recent book, Peacey refers to it briefly as an example of such documents sometimes coming from “any number of less well-connected individuals, such as impoverished London bricklayer, Thomas Elwood…” [7]

It revolved around the lease of a house in St Pauls which Thomas had obtained from a successful Mercer/Draper called Richard Higginson.  Higginson, originally from Bispham in Lancashire, had clearly made a fortune down in London. His will is an extensive document with a large number of bequests[8]. He owned a good deal of property, including in the vicinity of Paternoster Row (known as an area where mercers and drapers were concentrated) and he later became an Alderman in Castle Baynard Ward in 1658[9], also nominating various others for similar office around the same time.

Ejectment was/is not the same as eviction.  It is an action to recover the possession of, or title to, land – not merely eviction from it for not paying the rent or otherwise breaking a contract. The dispute about whether Thomas could be ejected from his entitlement clearly went on for months if not years, with Higginson changing his story, involving various relatives and associates, then denying that they were involved at all, then persistently not turning up in various courts (he could clearly afford to forfeit the various bail payments involved) and finally dying (in summer 1658) before any resolution was reached. At one hearing Thomas turns up with “3 Counsell and 14 Witnesses” but the case is still not tried. At the end of the document poor Thomas bemoans “such potent unjust men, supported in wickedness by the corrupt practice of the Law, the just cause of the poor is destroyed, and the poor by them eaten up as they eat bread, and for that your Petitioner by these impious practises is utterly ruined in his Estate, Credit and Calling, and his wife and Children destroyed and your Petitioner damnifyed above 500 [pounds].” One assumes that he never got satisfaction, only impoverishment. It all seems to resemble Jarndyce v Jarndyce in Dickens’ ‘Bleak House’ some 300 years later.

Thomas himself died in Spring 1667[10]. If he was apprenticed around the age of 12 (as was typical) that would make him around 47 years old, actually a reasonable age to attain of course. He was buried at St Botolph Aldersgate on 21st May and his will was probated quickly, on 1st June[11]. His wife Ann is mentioned, also his sons John and Thomas to whom he rather sadly leaves what is left of his tools and equipment.  His brother Clement is appointed Executor.

There is a marriage record for Thomas Elwood, Tyler & Brickmaker, to one Hannah Tompson in the preceding February[12]. This may or may not be him. Although he and his family are also similarly described in Boyd’s List of London Inhabitants and Ann is a known diminutive of Hannah. If his first wife had indeed died earlier, he may have been ill and trying to make some sort of last minute provision of care for his sons? There are records for the sons in the City of London Court of Orphans at the end of 1667[13], in which Thomas jnr is described as the orphan, presumably being under the stipulated age for that status at the time. In the inventory Thomas Snr has debts, both ‘separate’ and ‘desperate’, and little that is owed to or owned by him.  His brother also seems to have died a few years later, in 1674, as he too appears in the same records in January of that year[14].

This seems to be the story of a country lad without any obvious social advantages who achieved some solid professional success in London. But then he came up against the forces of those who were privileged, affluent and unscrupulous, if not downright corrupt. As a result, he lost virtually everything he had worked for, providing a thought-provoking corrective to the many accounts we have of successful men in the City.

By Jane Harrington

References:

[1] AKERMAN, John Yonge ‘Tradesmen’s tokens, current in London and its vicinity between the years 1648 and 1672.’ London: John Russell Smith, 1849, entries 32 & 33.

https://archive.org/details/tradesmenstokens00akeriala  [accessed 2 April 2018]

 [2] WEBB, Cliff ‘London Apprentices Vol 2: Tylers & Bricklayers Company’ London: Society of Genealogists, 1966/ LMA Ref Book 35.31WEB. 

[3] DALE T. C, ‘Inhabitants of London in 1638: St. Botolph without Aldersgate, London’, in The Inhabitants of London in 1638 (London, 1931), pp. 203-209. 

British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/london-inhabitants/1638/pp203-209  [accessed 7 June 2018].

 [4] WEBB op.cit.

 [5]Burial of Clement 5 Dec 1674 and earlier of wife Ann, 2 Dec 1641

Parish registers LMA P69/BOT2/A/015/MS09222/002 (via Ancestry)

 [6] ELWOOD, Thomas ‘The case of Thomas Elwood bricklayer, and Richard Higginson mercer in Pater-noster-row, late alderman of London’ BL 669.f.21.(65).

Also online at http://quod.lib.umich.edu/e/eebo/A74966.0001.001/1:1?rgn=div1;view=fulltext  [accessed 25 May 2018]

 [7] PEACEY, Jason ‘Print and public politics in the English Revolution.’ Cambridge University Press, 2014 p313

[8] PCC National Archives Kew PROB11/294/514

[9] BEAVEN, Alfred P, ‘Aldermen of the City of London: Aldersgate ward’, in The Aldermen of the City of London Temp. Henry III – 1912(London, 1908), pp. 1-8. 

British History Online http://www.british-history.ac.uk/no-series/london-aldermen/hen3-1912/pp1-8 [accessed 7 June 2018].

[10] Burial 21 May 1667 St Botolph Aldersgate. Parish Registers. LMA P69/BOT1/A/001/MS03854/001 (via Ancestry) 

[11] PCC National Archives Kew PROB 11/324/186

[12] Marriage 28 February 1667 St James Duke’s Place, Aldgate.  Parish Registers LMA P69/JS1/A/002/MS07894/001 (via Ancestry and The Genealogist)

[13] Elwood, Thomas, Citizen and Tyler & Bricklayer. Court of Orphans, City of London 1662-1677 LMA CLA/002/02/01/0339

[14] Elwood, Clement, Citizen and Tyler & Bricklayer. Court of Orphans, City of London 1662-1677 LMA CLA/002/02/01/0989

 

 

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The Parish of St Margaret New Fish Street in 1666

The fourth blog in our series from the work of University of the Third Age members participating in the Shared Learning Project with the British Academy Hearth Tax Project, Centre for Hearth Tax Research, is by Barbara Sanders. Using the hearth tax returns from the City of London and Middlesex as a starting point, Barbara presents an incredibly detailed picture of the intramural parish of St Margaret New Fish Street in 1666. 

John Stow published his Survey of London in 1598, then a revised edition in 1603. His maps of each ward in the City of London were topographically extremely accurate for the time. The ground plan of St Margaret’s parish would have changed very little by Lady Day (25th March) 1666 when the Hearth Tax survey was recorded.

The Fire, less than 6 months later, in September 1666, devastated most of the City of London. When it came to rebuilding, Londoners resisted grand designs for boulevards and squares and preferred to rebuild on their own plots, so again the ground plan did not change.

The map below is the part of Maitland’s adapted version of Stow’s map showing the parish of St Margaret New Fish Street in 1720. It has the advantage that lesser byways are also labelled, clarifying the locations of the Hearth Tax inhabitants. The difference is that Wren’s Monument to the Great Fire, in Monument Yard, has been built on the site of the former St Margaret’s church and churchyard.

Fish Street

The Itinerary of the Hearth Tax Enumerator

The addresses listed for the Hearth Tax for 1666 in this parish are in the following sequence:

  • Fish Street Hill, (part of) east side
  • Pudding Lane, west side
  • Pudding Lane, east side
  • Fish Yard
  • Lamb Yard
  • The Church Yard
  • Fish Street Hill, (part of) west side
  • Crooked Lane, south side
  • Mitre Yard
  • “The Lane side”
  • Crooked Lane, north side
  • “The Streete side”
  • Bell Yard
  • “The Streete side”

Note that the dashed line on the map marks ward boundaries; this parish is partly in Bridge Ward and partly in Billingsgate Ward. The fainter dotted line is the parish boundary.

The enumerator’s path seems to be to start at the lower end of Fish Street Hill east. This seems likely as the first six residents are fairly well-to-do fishmongers (4 to 7 hearths) who are close to the river and the Fishmongers Hall (which is at the bottom of the Hill, in the next parish).

He proceeds up the Hill, past the Sun inn (substantial with 13 hearths, but not marked), and the minister’s house (7 hearths). The church and minister’s house were formerly at the junction of the Hill and St Margaret’s Lane, now replaced on the map by the Monument and Monument Yard.

He then turns right to the Star inn (a large site with 29 hearths), cutting east towards Pudding Lane.

Going southwards down Pudding Lane west there is a very socially mixed working population with between 1 and 7 hearths.

Crossing Pudding Lane to the east side there are two residents (4 and 7), then a turn right into Fish Yard and Lamb Yard (the former is now marked on Maitland’s map; the latter is not marked but is probably the adjoining yard).

He then crosses back to the Church Yard (later Monument Yard) with 6 residents, the last being a merchant with 9 hearths, next to the church.

Back on Fish Street Hill he crosses to the west side, with 4 fishmongers (1 to 6 hearths), the Mitre coaching inn (12 hearths) and one more fishmonger.

A left turn into Crooked Lane south coming next suggests that the unmarked area within the junction of the Hill and Crooked Lane is probably the yard of the Mitre.  Crooked Lane south has 5 homes:  4 artisans (2 to 4 hearths) and 1 empty (4 hearths)

Next comes Mitre Yard. It seems that the location is as suggested above but the access in 1666 for inn users  was from the Hill, while access to the dwellings behind was from the much narrower Crooked Lane.

Turning back into Crooked Lane south there is one resident (“the Lane side”), then a U-turn along the north side of Crooked Lane where there are mixed properties (1 to 7 hearths).

Back on the Hill (“the Streete side”) are 4 substantial properties (4 to 9 hearths).

A left turn goes into Bell Yard with 2 merchants (7 and 17) and a “kallendor” (5).

Back on the Hill (“the Streete side”) are 5 more properties (2 to 11 hearths).

Fish Street Hill

London Bridge was the only way to cross the Thames on foot, horse or by coach, though watermen did a roaring trade ferrying passengers across as well as along the river. Fish Street Hill was the main thoroughfare north from London Bridge, starting in the parish of St Magnus the Martyr. As the Hill ascended steeply it entered the parish of St Margaret New Fish Street, passing onward to Gracechurch Street (Grasse Street). It was sometimes known as Bridge Street.

The parish church of St Margaret New Fish Street was on the east side, described by John Stow in his survey as “a proper church, but monuments hath it none”.

There were passenger services for travelling by coach between cities and towns. It was a slow and uncomfortable experience in unsprung unstable vehicles over poorly maintained roads, mainly cobbled in town and unmade cross-country. The stagecoach was introduced in Britain in 1640. An improved design developed in Germany in about 1660, was known as the Berlin, with curved metal springs, to help absorb shocks. so gradually springing and other improvements to passenger coaches and carriages were made. The building of turnpike roads was yet to come. Journeys which in the 21st century take hours took days then; London to Bath by stage coach took 3 days, assuming the weather was favourable. Coaching inns provided the facilities for the coach driver to break a journey at intervals for the driver’s and passengers’ rest and refreshment, and for the tired horses to be changed.

Fish Street Hill was the only street in the parish broad enough to accommodate such coaches so it provided coaching inns – the Sun, Mitre and Star – serving both travellers and locals. Stow wrote “in New Fishstreete be Fishmongers and fayre Tavernes”.

Samuel Pepys mentions these inns where he has social or business meetings, having a merry time with fine food and wine. Where he describes the dishes, a wide range of fish and shellfish seem to predominate.

Virtually all the houses of quality in the parish were on Fish Street Hill.

The Lanes and Yards

Pudding Lane has gone down in history as the site of the bakery where the Great Fire of London broke out in 1666. It was parallel to Fish Street Hill, but very narrow, made narrower and darker by successive upper storeys of the houses being “jettied” to the point where top storeys nearly touched each other above the street. Crooked Lane was probably similar. The residents were of lesser status than those on he Hill, but the lowest were in some of the Yards, packed in behind other houses and accessed through dark narrow alleys.

Fish Yard and its likely neighbour Lamb Yard were the poorest, tucked away in a small complex behind Pudding Lane.

Mitre Yard was the back part of the Mitre inn with space for the coaches and stabling; the homes there may have had a better aspect though the noise and smell could be off-putting. The residents are a tailor and two hook and eye makers, both fairly comfortable at 3 or 4 hearths. The remaining four are widows with just 1 or 2 hearths. This usually suggests poverty, but could this be a case of early sheltered living for the elderly?

The name of Bell Yard suggests a former inn of that name on the Hill. The three dwellings there with 5, 7 and 17 hearths are much superior to those of the other Yards.

The Church Yard had buildings looking out onto what we now understand by a “churchyard”, that is the church access and burial ground, though even that could be less than appealing. One wealthy resident was a merchant (9 hearths), next door to the church.

Occupations – and the notorious Thomas Farriner

This was a mixed community but with no-one important enough to qualify in history books of the City of London. That is, with one notable exception –  Thomas Farriner.

Farriner and his Bakery

Farriner’s bakery was the source of the Great Fire in 1666. He has been written about plenty elsewhere so there is no point in researching him here, though in browsing the Internet I have encountered two fallacies about his story.

Firstly, he was not the King’s baker. The belief arises from the fact that he was appointed by the King to supply the Royal navy with ship’s biscuit, but not to supply the royal household – no doubt Whitehall Palace had its own in-house bakery. The Navy account must have taken a lot of his time, but he did provide the Eucharist bread for St Margaret’s (Churchwarden’s Accounts) and most likely the daily bread of his neighbours.

Secondly, the Monument is definitely not on the site of his bakery (beware the internet!). It is generally accepted that the bakery was in Pudding Lane, 202 feet to the east of the Monument. There has been some question as to its precise location. Dorian Gerhold recently presented a thoroughly researched new theory, based on post-fire legal and planning documents [1].

In the 1666 Hearth Tax survey the Pudding Lane residents do not include Farriner; he is in Fish Yard.  Fish Yard is not named on Stow’s map, but Maitland, using the same map, has added the words “Fish Yard” to the alleys off to the east of Pudding Lane, backing towards Botolphs Lane, but accessed from Pudding Lane.

In the 19th century, Stow’s St Margaret Lane, later Maitland’s Monument Yard, was absorbed  into the new Monument Street thoroughfare. The continuation of Monument Street towards the east would cut across Maitland’s Fish Yard. Dorian Gerhold has identifed the precise location under the present day Monument Street, so it tallies.

The Fishmongers

With the Fishmongers Hall to the west of the bridge foot, and wharves and Billingsgate dock, base of the long established fishing industry, to the east, it is not surprising that the southern end of the parish was mainly populated by fishmongers, plus a number of porters. In the Hearth Tax list for St Margaret New Fish Street, of 73 occupations shown, 12 were fishmongers and 5 porters. Here the fishmongers were successful businessmen rather than simple shop or market traders. Among them, Arthur Wine or Wyne, recorded  here as Arthur Wind, fishmonger, for the Hearth Tax, had the most hearths at seven. He was Fishmonger to the King, supplying fish to the royal household from about 1660 to 1668. He is mentioned in Pepys diary:

9 November 1660: “. . . to dinner with Mr. Wivell at the Hoop Tavern where we had [list of companions], and our dinner given us by Mr. Ady and another, Mr. Wine, the King’s fishmonger.”

The Worshipful Company of Fishmongers was one of the earliest and most powerful of the livery companies of the City of London. In 1515 the Court of Aldermen of the City of London had settled an order of precedence and ranked the Fishmongers fourth out of the 48 existing at that time. The rank still applies, with later Companies being ranked by date of foundation.

Ancillary trades for the fish business

4 coopers, 1 salter.  A cooper’s barrels and tubs would generally have many uses, but here the fishmongers would be his biggest customers. Both fresh and salted fish were traded, even in the past having separate guilds.

Merchants

The 3 merchants in this parish could be dealing in any sort of goods and materials coming into or leaving the Pool of London. All imported cargoes had to be inspected and assessed by officers at the Custom House, further east, on the riverside in All Hallows parish. Merchants tended to be affluent, as here with 7, 9 and 17 hearths.

The Church

Minister, parish clerk, sexton, 1 of each.

Personal services

3 apothecaries, 1 barber, 1 surgeon and 1 scrivener. A scrivener wrote or copied legal documents, sometimes also producing minutes or accounts, sometimes simply writing letters for those who could not write.

Landlords of hostelries

1 vintner (The Sun), and 1 innholder  (The Star). The Mitre is recorded as empty, possibly due to the Plague.

Supplies and  food

1 baker, 1 oilman, 1 water bearer, 1 tobacconist, 2 victuallers, 1 vintner, 1 innholder, and 1 cook. A victualler or vintner often had a dual role of running a hostelry but also selling food or other provisions.  A cook who was a domestic servant would not appear (as here) as a householder. In this case Widow Bennett is living next door to the Mitre Inn.  She has 4 hearths, so could have her own business, serving the inn and/or local households.

Textiles and clothes

2 clothworkers, 1 kallendor, 2 tailors, 1 haberdasher, 4 hook & eye makers, 6 (linen) drapers, 2 glovers,  1 hosier.

A “kallendor” or calender in textiles operates a finishing process used to smooth, or coat or otherwise enhance a fabric by passing it between calender rollers at high temperatures and pressure.

Before zips and press studs were invented, clothes were fastened with hooks and eyes, buttons, clasps, belts or drawstrings. Making hooks and eyes from wire was a specialist precision task, but 4 separate makers seems rather excessive. Possibly they were selling not just to the local haberdasher, but to the pedlars who travelled around the country selling small items.

Draper was originally a term for a retailer or wholesaler of cloth that was mainly for clothing; some specialised in linen or wool.

Craftsmen

2 glaziers, 3 plasterers, 1 smith, and 1 turner

Metal-workers

2 latten men, 1 needle maker. 1 plateworker and 1 wire worker,

Latten is an alloy of copper and zinc, similar to brass, much used for church decorations and vessels, candlesticks and some tableware.

A plateworker used tinplate to make household articles such as drinking vessels, plates, bowls and lanterns.

A wire worker used wire to make functional or decorative objects such as fish hooks, cages and small chains.

The latter two groups of craftsmen had amalgamated to form a trade guild for the management and regulation of their trades, and in due course the company was granted a Royal Charter by Charles II in 1670 with the title of “The Trade Arte and Mistery [Guild] of Tynne Plate Workers als Wyer Workers of the City of London”. The Worshipful Company of Tin Plate Workers, as it became known, still exists as a charity even though though its original craftsmen have been replaced by machines.

Then in less than 6 months time . . .

. . . the world these citizens knew would be turned upside-down by the Great Fire. Some would never return to the City, while others faced the challenge to make a fresh start. At least the craftsmen and metal-workers there were assured of full employment into the foreseeable future.

The Health and Mortality of the City Inhabitants

Some Londoners caught but did survive the 1665 Plague, (which was still lingering in 1666) but it would have left them debilitated.

Everyone who remained in London, even those not infected, suffered from food shortages.  The prevalence of Thames fish around Fish Street did still provide one important part of a balanced diet. But farmers and poulterers avoided bringing their meat animals to market in London. The benefits of fruit and vegetables, not well understood at the best of times, were lost when farmers and smallholders refused to deliver to the infected capital as they had previously. The Plague had reduced imports of food and wine into the Port of London. Then the Great Fire devastated the Thameside wharves and warehouses.

The report of just a handful of deaths actually in the Fire is ludicrously small and subject to debate. But in addition, after surviving two years of unspeakable hardships, premature death must have been commonplace. Elsewhere there are contemporary records of longevity well beyond the biblical “three-score years and ten” (Psalm 90)  in parishes such as on the South Downs, where there was fresh air, uncontaminated water, good local food and an established supportive community. But even at the best of times, conditions were poor in the City of London. The population was not yet overly knowledgeable or concerned about public health, so expectation of life was much lower.

Survivors of even a single house fire may have long term respiratory problems. This Great Fire was all-consuming in a densely built-up area, generating soot containing poisonous elements, floating burning embers and noxious gases. Lung problems can be killers after the event as in emphysema and cancer.

I have explored the life and careers of two of the inhabitants of this parish. Both survived the Fire itself, but David Barton, the Minister of St Margaret New Fish Street, moved to a country living and complained of severe headaches; Thomas Padnall (age 57), vintner and innkeeper and his wife both died within 2 years of the Fire. It seems very unlikely that many survived unscathed.

By Barbara Sanders

[1]     Where Did The Great Fire Begin? by Dorian Gerhold, London and Middlesex Archaeological Society Transactions, 66 (2015), 1—7

References

The Guild of Scholars of the City of London:
http://gofs.co.uk/guild.aspx?name=4

 

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The Druggists of Bucklersbury

The third blog in our series from the work of University of the Third Age members participating in the Shared Learning Project with the British Academy Hearth Tax Project, Centre for Hearth Tax Research, is by Cheryl Bailey. Using the hearth tax returns from the City of London and Middlesex as a starting point, Cheryl investigated the ‘druggists’ of Bucklersbury Street in the City parishes of St Stephen Walbrook and St Benet Sherehog.

A notable feature of the 1666 Hearth Tax returns for the contiguous parishes of St. Benet Sherehog and St. Stephen Walbrook is that one sixth of the residents are described as ‘druggist’. The parishes share the street of Bucklersbury between them, SSW also listing The Strete and Barge Yard which were offshoots of the main thoroughfare. This area was the locus of the trade with fifty percent of residents involved.

Originally, Bucklersbury marked the boundary for navigation of the River Walbrook to The Thames. Barges brought cargo from the docks up to Bucklesbury which is noted by Stow as being a place for pepperers and grocers. When the Apothecaries Guild split from the Grocers Guild in 1617, stressing that their knowledge and skill set them apart from simple traders,  a number of ‘spicer-apothecaries’, later known as druggists, remained in the Grocers Guild. The main function of apothecaries was to dispense the complicated prescriptions issued by doctors and to compound preparations of various substances for use in common ailments. The censors of the Apothecaries Guild inspected their members premises regularly and expected them to have a full range of all drugs available. It was to the druggists that the apothecaries turned for this supply.  Bucklersbury was the centre where herbs and drugs were stored and sold together with spices, confectionery, perfumes and spiced wines. Though they interacted directly with the public, it seems druggists acted mainly as wholesalers, supplying drugs to apothecaries nationwide.  In the 1600s, nearly all drugs were imported to London and apothecaries from hundreds of miles away would send their orders in by carrier to be delivered back to them in the same way. For example, in 1623, Henry Elliott apothecary of Exeter sent monthly orders to London for his supplies. Even later in the next century, the account books of a Coventry apothecary, Thomas Bott, show that he procured his drugs from London druggists.

Though imported substances had been known and used since Tudor times, they had, at first, been treated with suspicion by the public who tended to favour simple cures based on local herbs or simples. The second half of the seventeenth century was a period of stabilised population and falling farm produce prices so that there was an increasing amount of income available to many people and this coincided with the increase in available imports. Use of more exotic ingredients in prescriptions began to be fashionable and the number of different drugs known proliferated.  In 1588 only 14% of drugs imported came from outside Europe but by 1669 this had increased to 70%, most originating in India and the East Indies though some came from the New World. The actual quantity of imported drugs increased by twenty-five times during the seventeenth century and hundreds of different substances became available.  Some were particularly effective – notably,  ipecacuanha (used as an emetic and an expectorant) and Jesuits’ bark (a source of quinine for the treatment of malaria.). Rhubarb and senna were among the most important drug imports.

At this time, all drug came into the country through London and so the Bucklersbury druggists were enjoying a position of monopolised supply to meet a soaring demand. Drugs, in general, were not bulky and usually only made up about one or two percent of a ship’s cargo but they were valuable and sought after so that merchants were happy to search them out as imports. It is likely that the fourteen merchants listed in the two parishes (again a significant proportion of the population) would, among other merchandise, have been involved in the import of drugs to supply the druggists. It should be remembered that the term ‘drug’ was not limited to substances of a purely medicinal nature. John Dandy of Sise Lane, the tobacconist, would also have been purchasing from the druggists and documents have survived showing that John Lilburne was interested in madder (a red dye stuff) as a commodity. Bucklersbury was noted even in Shakespeare’s day as a place of perfumery and cosmetics.

John Lilburne (1629 – 1678), Citizen and Grocer, was one of the largest druggists holding (with his partner) a property of 11 hearths on the north side of Bucklersbury. His memorial in St. Stephen’s Walbrook was erected by George, his first-born and only surviving child of five. It mentions his family connections with Sunderland and the Bishopric of Durham but he does not appear to be closely related to the famous Leveller of the same name. The memorial shows John and his wife Isabella though it cannot be judged whether the representation is lifelike.

ststephenlilburne[1]

The druggists were probably comfortable financially though their properties have, on average, just five hearths. The three largest businesses of Joseph Lilburne (11 hearths, see above), Henry Lascoe (10 hearths) and John Sadler (10 hearths) all ran their businesses in conjunction with a partner. Unfortunately, only one will, that of John Brisco, has been found during this research. He lived two doors away from John Lilburne in a property that had just five hearths. However, in 1689, he left over £5000 to his children and grandchildren while his wife, Beatrix,received £1000 and all his properties and appurtenancies which consisted of the house of the late Sir Richard Hawkins(d.1687) which was in the Old Bayley area near Ludgate Hill and three other properties adjoining it.

By Cheryl Bailey

References

Prerogative Court of Canterbury and Related Probate Jurisdictions: Will Registers; Class: PROB 11; Piece: 396, John Brisco

The National Archive, E 134/31and32Chas2/Hil6, Edward Brooke, clerk v. Wm. Hills, John Hill, Fras. Hacker, Geo. Lilburne, administrator…

Burnby J.G., ‘A study of the English apothecary from 1660 to 1760. Med Hist Suppl. 1983;(3): pp.1–128

Porter, R. & D.  ‘The rise of the early drugs industry: the role of Thomas Corbyn’

Medical History 1989 33(3) pp. 277-295

Roberts, R.S. ‘The Early history of the import of drugs into Britain’ in F.N.L. Poynter (ed.)

‘The evolution of pharmacy in London’, Pitman 1965

Photo of Lilburne monument courtesy of Bob Speel, http://www.speel.me.uk/chlondon/ststephenwalbrook.htm

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St Botolph Aldersgate: Women Printers and Booksellers in 1666

The second blog in our series from the work of University of the Third Age members participating in the Shared Learning Project with the British Academy Hearth Tax Project, Centre for Hearth Tax Research, is by Lisa Vine. Using the hearth tax returns from the City of London and Middlesex as a starting point, Lisa worked with other documents to trace the stories of women printers and booksellers in 1666.

The parish of St Botolph’s Aldersgate was, in 1666, mainly situated just outside the old London Wall, though a small section was inside the Wall and subsequently suffered damage at the Fire. The old Wall and its “Towne Ditch” had the effect of cutting the southeastern part of the ward off from the City, for here the Wall came from the east and then turned sharply south  (near the present day roundabout,) to the Aldersgate, then ran west past Christ’s Hospital to the Lud Gate. The Wall thus protected most of the ward from the Fire, as did some of the old monastery walls of St Bartholomew’s Hospital in the neighbouring ward of Farringdon Without to the west. Access to Aldersgate Street from the City would have to be through Inigo Jones’s splendidly ornate Aldersgate, although for the west side of the ward a small gateway at the Wall and Ditch also connected St Bartholomew’s grounds and Smithfield (to the west and north ) with Christ’s Hospital grounds (formerly the Greyfriars) via “The Gravill Path in the The Long Walk”. For the many booksellers and printers living and trading along this walk, this must have been important short cut for clients and other booksellers at St Paul’s, 5 minutes walk away.  

“St Bartholomew’s Precinct”, survey by Martin Llewellyn, c1613” in “London Plotted”, by Dorian Gerhold, London Topographical Society 2016. 

WOMEN PRINTERS and  BOOKSELLERS  

 Aldersgate was a wide and splendid thoroughfare with “Italianate houses” and the imposing Gate designed by Inigo Jones. It led north “to Edinburgh” out of the City. There were several large and important houses here, several of which survived into the C19th. In addition, on the east side there were three important printing establishments, two of them run by women. 

 1)  Going north through the Gate, between Stone’s Court and Ball Alley on the east side of Aldersgate Street, was the Parish Clerk Printer, ELINOR COTES, or ELLEN, (9 hearths), who ran a business with 3 presses, 2 apprentices, and 9 pressmen.  In December 1665, she was commissioned to print the Bills of Mortality for the 16 City parishes, as “London’s Rememberancer” in that year of the Plague. In St Botolph’s Aldersgate, the total for that year of plague victims is listed as 755, though there were probably more. (Guildhall Library.) 

Elinor Cotes was the widow of Richard Cotes who had been the official printer to the City of London and died in 1658. Listed in the Inhabitants of London in 1638, he had been in partnership with his brother, Thomas Cotes, who had been apprenticed to Thomas Jaggard, and through this family connection the copyright to Shakespeare’s first Folio was assigned from the Jaggards to Thomas and Richard Cotes. (Arber). After Richard’s death, Elinor joined up with Sarah GRIFFEN (see later) to publish Chetwin’s Welsh language books, amongst other subjects. 

Richard Cotes’ will of 1652 leaves the residue of his will to his widow, Ellen. The will also includes a bequest to his apprentice, William GODBID, who by 1666 is running his own printing business in Gravill Alley in the Long Walk. (see later) 

 2) 10 doors further north on Aldersgate Street, was MARY SIMMONS with 13 hearths. Mary Simmons printed with her young son Samuel. Their most famous printed work was “Paradise Lost” in 1667 by John Milton, who lived nearby, and which was  later sold by Thomas Helder in Little Britain. The partnership between Milton and the Simmons family lasted for 30 years, as Mary was the widow of Matthew Simmons who had printed Milton’s “Doctrine of Discipline of Divorce” in 1643. Matthew had printed early material for the Independents, like Henry Jessey, and Leveller tract booksellers like Henry Overton and Hannah Allen, who sold in Pope’s Head Alley.  He had also been granted 1 years’ monopoly to print the army’s papers in the Commonwealth period. In 1674 the Simmons’ printworks was said to be “next to the Golden Lion”, between Ball Alley and Deputy Court. Matthew Simmons has 

 3) ANN GRIFFEN, 7 hearths, living in Half Moon Alley, was most probably the widow of printer Edward Griffen. After her husband’s death she “took her husband’s business” in 1652 and worked with her son, also Edward, in Old Bailey. (nearby). She gave a deposition against Laud in Jan.1642/3 and he threatened to close her down. She is described in the depositions as a widow of 48 years. She also published medical works. Ann Griffen is not listed in Part 1 HT returns, and is replaced by Richard Glover.  

She dies of “dropsy” 18th Dec. 1669 and buried at St Bot’s Aldersgate – LMA P69/BOT1/A/001/MSO3854/001  

 However, her son’s widow, SARAH GRIFFEN, may be the person who appears in Little Britain in part 1 HT at Michaelmas. She may have been burnt out from St Sepulcre in the month previous. As a widow, she continued as a printer for 21 years and printed “General Monck’s Speeches” for John Playford in 1659. She took on her husband’s business in 1652 and her last entry, (Arber) is Feb 7th 1673. 

Women were also active in bookselling, in this area west of Aldersgate which was full of bookshops. Of these, Elizabeth HARFORD, 4 hearths, bookseller at the Bible and States Arms  1665-67 in Little Britain, was the widow of Ralph Harford whose will of 1664 made her sole executrix. In the Gravell Alley in the Long Walk, Rebecca SHERLEY, 5 hearths, was a bookseller and probably the widow of John Sherley. Three other “widows” were probably also widows of booksellers: REBECCA SAYWELL, 8 hearths, in Half Moon Alley, was probably the widow of bookseller John Saywell, who died in 1658. (Little Britain 1646-58). MARGARET SHEAREMAN,  whose husband may have been William S, bookseller in 1664. 

By Lisa Vine

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Hearth Tax U3A Project Blog Series

The British Academy Hearth Tax Project, Centre for Hearth Tax Research and the University of the Third Age ran a Shared Learning Project through 2018. U3A members used hearth tax returns from the City of London and Greenwich to uncover hidden histories. With the returns as a starting point, they worked with other documents to trace the stories of people, buildings and localities mentioned in the Hearth Tax.

The City group researched eight of the 21 City of London parishes, whose 1666 Lady Day Hearth Tax returns included data on the occupation of the householder, making possible in-depth research of lives. The parishes and their researchers were:

All Hallows Staining (AHS)                                                      Joan Hardinges

St Botolph Aldersgate (SBA)                                                   Lisa Vine, Aelwyn Taylor and, later, Jane Harrington

St Benet Sherehog with St Stephen Wallbrook (SBS/SSW)    Cheryl Bailey

St Katherine Coleman Street  (SKC)                           Pauline Brown and Maryke Koomans

St Magnus the Martyr (SMM)                                     Peter Cox

St Margaret New Fish Street   (SMNFS)                     Barbara Sanders

For each parish U3A members produced documents of different types:

A Directory, giving the basic data of name, occupation, street and number of hearths, with a final column for extra observations from the return, such as ‘empty’ or ‘stove’.

Analyses, on the City as a whole, or particular parishes.

Lives, which summarised research done on the individuals.

A Life, which expanded on a single individual of interest.

Articles, which looked at particular aspects of the parish – for example its buildings or speciality occupations.

While there was a deliberate similarity of structure, the individual research avenues and topics often differed. The remit set at the outset of the project was to use the Hearth Tax Return to investigate ‘what interests you’. The only certain commonality was the Hearth Tax as a starting point, though of course the investigations were inevitably shaped by the available information, either online or in Archives, notably the London Metropolitan Archive, the Guildhall Library, the British Library and the Society of Genealogists.

Over the coming months we will run a blog series show casing the hidden histories uncovered during this exciting collaborative project. The first in this series is by Peter Cox, and details the Thomas Morris family and the London Bridge Water House. Please do comment on the blogs as they are published.

The Thomas Morris Family and the London Bridge Water House

Thomas Morris Esq, no occupation given, in the 1666 Hearth Tax Return occupied a nine-hearth dwelling called the Water House, listed as being in Churchyard Alley. This was a road that ran south from Thames Street down to the river, to the west of St Magnus church. Thomas Morris’s house seems to have been at the southern end of Churchyard Alley, close to his water wheels, illustrated alongside, in an 18th century drawing. They were affixed to the first arch on the upstream, west, side of the north end of the bridge. Apparently they later extended to at least the second arch.

Horris Map Water Wheel

The Waterworks

We have no description of the waterworks before 1666, when they were destroyed by the Fire along with the first 14 houses on the bridge, but they were rebuilt afterwards. A special dispensation was included in the first Rebuilding Act of 1667 to allow him to recreate it in wood. An article published in 1731 by the Royal Society describes it as having three wheels working 52 pumps. The wheels could turn in either direction, thus able to harness the tide when either flowing or ebbing, and the pumps could raise over 130,000 gallons an hour to a height of 120 feet.  They were described in the 1731 article as being ‘near the Fishmongers Hall steamboat pier’ , the dark blue wedge shape to the left of the bridge on the map.

So lucrative had these waterworks become by the mid-seventeenth century that they were taken over by a consortium of City Knights, who at the time of the Fire were paying Thomas Morris to manage the works, as well as annuities to the widow of Thomas’s brother John and other members of the Morris family. But unsurprisingly the rebuilding caused a dispute between the various parties, who had lost a considerable income, and the case went to the specially constituted Fire Court.

The Fire Court Case

The Fire Court case pitted Thomas, who’d inherited from his brother John, against John’s widow Mary. Appearing with Thomas were his (I think) widowed sister-in-law Lettice and her five daughters – that family relationship is not spelled out and is hard to clarify.  The consortium who took it over in 1659, with a lease now extended to 420 years, That Thomas was its manager and not its owner is because his brother John had sold it in 1659 to a consortium of City Gents (in this instance all Knights) for 420 years, were paying out of its profits annually £200 to Lettice and each of her daughters, and £300 to the petitioner, the widowed Mary.  That £1500 a year gives you an idea of what the City Knights were raking in. Thomas, knowing that they and Mary were extremely keen to restart their money-spinning water-wheels, said that he would neither rebuild nor help them to. After a long and involved case, including an adjournment to get experts to review the costs of the rebuild, it was decreed that, in exchange for Thomas waiving his rights to any profit for 21 years, Mary herself would fund the rebuild (doubtless with loans from the eager City Knights). A battery of further arrangements ensured that the women would get their annuities back. The history of the Waterworks says only that ‘the replacement was engineered by a grandson of Peter Morice’. That would presumably be Thomas, although it’s not possible to be certain that he was Peter Morice’s grandson. The parish records don’t reveal it with any certainty, but given the time lapse I think it’s more likely that Thomas and John were great-grandsons.

Lond Bridge

Subsequent Building and Ownership

The works were in operation until the old bridge was demolished in 1821. In the following year the dismantling of the water wheels and machinery, and unearthing of the remains of the earlier structure, generated interest from engineers. That led to an 1822 article in the Gentleman’s Magazine, which said that the wheel illustrated on the opening page was built around 1700 by a George Sorocold. In 1701 the then consortium of City men sold the property to the goldsmith Richard Soames for £36,000. There was a further highly detailed article in an 1851 edition of the Mechanics’ Magazine, which analysed at length the workings of the 18th century wheels.

Sources

1.  Water-related Infrastructure in Medieval London, http://www.waterhistory.org/histories/london/

2. Fire Court 27 April 1667 – A199, from The Fire Court : calendar to the judgments and decrees of the court of judicature appointed to determine differences between landlords and tenants as to rebuilding after the GreatFire. Two vols, edited by Philip E. Jones.  1966.

 

 

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